Economics Atlas

How Wealth Is Ordered
Sign In
Text size
100%
Theme

Economics Atlas

Disputed Statements

Claims this atlas currently marks as unsettled or as tested and found false. A debated fact is one scholars hold competing positions on; a debunked one has been checked against the record and found not to hold. Both are kept in view rather than quietly smoothed over, with the reasoning that put each one where it stands.

30 statements marked Debated.

New Institutional Economics, Start Year1937

New Institutional Economics, Schools of Thought

Standing

Concerns Start Year

Currently States 1937

Economists commonly trace New Institutional Economics to Ronald Coase's 1937 essay The Nature of the Firm, its founding transaction-cost insight, though the school's name itself was coined later by Oliver Williamson in his 1975 book Markets and Hierarchies, and the tradition's institutional-performance and commons-governance branches developed further still through Douglass North's and Elinor Ostrom's work from the 1970s through 1990.

Source The Nature of the Firm, Ronald H. Coase

Phillips Curve, DescriptionThe Phillips Curve describes an observed inverse relationship between unemployment and the rate of wage or price inflation, first plotted by A. W. Phillips from a century of British data in 1958. Early Keynesian economists read the relationship as a genuine, policy-usable menu, accept a bit more inflation and buy a bit less unemployment. Milton Friedman and Edmund Phelps countered in the late 1960s that the trade-off can only be short-run, because workers and firms revise their inflation expectations, so any attempt to hold unemployment below its natural rate through persistent inflation is self-defeating and the long-run curve is vertical. Austrian economists reject the aggregate relationship even in the short run, arguing that averaging unemployment and inflation across an economy obscures the real, uneven price signals that monetary expansion distorts.

Phillips Curve, Concepts

Standing

Concerns Description

Currently States The Phillips Curve describes an observed inverse relationship between unemployment and the rate of wage or price inflation, first plotted by A. W. Phillips from a century of British data in 1958. Early Keynesian economists read the relationship as a genuine, policy-usable menu, accept a bit more inflation and buy a bit less unemployment. Milton Friedman and Edmund Phelps countered in the late 1960s that the trade-off can only be short-run, because workers and firms revise their inflation expectations, so any attempt to hold unemployment below its natural rate through persistent inflation is self-defeating and the long-run curve is vertical. Austrian economists reject the aggregate relationship even in the short run, arguing that averaging unemployment and inflation across an economy obscures the real, uneven price signals that monetary expansion distorts.

Whether a stable, exploitable trade-off exists at all, and why, is one of the field's longest-running causation disputes; see the school associations below.

Source The Relation between Unemployment and the Rate of Change of Money Wage Rates in the United Kingdom, 1861-1957

Physiocracy, End Year1776

Physiocracy, Schools of Thought

Standing

Concerns End Year

Currently States 1776

Historians commonly mark the 1776 publication of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, which absorbed and superseded the Physiocratic system, as the conventional end of Physiocracy as an active school, though some Physiocrats continued writing into the 1780s and the exact closing date is not agreed.

Source Encyclopaedia Britannica

Post-Keynesian Economics, Start Year1975

Post-Keynesian Economics, Schools of Thought

Standing

Concerns Start Year

Currently States 1975

School formation was gradual rather than a single founding event; Kalecki's 1930s-40s work is a recognized theoretical antecedent, Robinson's Cambridge circle organized through the 1960s-70s, and Minsky's own synthesis matured across the late 1970s and 1980s, so historians place the date differently depending on which strand they treat as decisive.

Source Stabilizing an Unstable Economy, Hyman Minsky

Principal-Agent Problem, Proposed ByDisputed: Stephen Ross and Barry Mitnick both claim authorship; the most-cited formal treatment is by Michael C. Jensen and William Meckling

Principal-Agent Problem, Concepts

Standing

Concerns Proposed By

Currently States Disputed: Stephen Ross and Barry Mitnick both claim authorship; the most-cited formal treatment is by Michael C. Jensen and William Meckling

The source states the theory emerged in the 1970s with disputed authorship between Stephen Ross and Barry Mitnick, while the most-cited formal treatment is by Michael C. Jensen and William Meckling; no single originating year is settled, so origin-year is left unfilled (recorded as a gap).

Source Principal-agent problem (Wikipedia)

Regulation School, Start Year1970

Regulation School, Schools of Thought

Standing

Concerns Start Year

Currently States 1970

Sources place the school's origin only in the early 1970s in France, without naming a single founding year; 1970 is used here as the decade's start.

Source Regulation School (Wikipedia)

School of Salamanca, End Year1617

School of Salamanca, Schools of Thought

Standing

Concerns End Year

Currently States 1617

Historians do not agree on a single closing date; the death of the Jesuit Francisco Suarez in 1617 is a commonly used marker for the end of the school's most productive period, though scholastic economic writing continued afterward in a different key.

Source School of Salamanca (Wikipedia)

Stockholm School, End Year1939

Stockholm School, Schools of Thought

Standing

Concerns End Year

Currently States 1939

Sources describe the school as a loosely organized group that worked together primarily in the 1930s; 1939 is used here as the decade close rather than a single agreed disbanding year, since individual members (Ohlin, Lindahl, Svennilson) continued distinguished careers for decades afterward and it is the classic collaborative Stockholm School period that ended, not the members themselves.

Source Wikipedia

Tragedy of the Commons, DescriptionThe tragedy of the commons describes a situation in which individuals acting in their own rational self-interest deplete a shared resource, even though this outcome works against the long-term interest of the whole group. The term was popularized by the ecologist Garrett Hardin in a 1968 essay arguing that a shared pasture open to every herder would inevitably be overgrazed, because each herder captures the full benefit of adding one more animal while the cost of overgrazing is spread across everyone. Hardin's own prescriptive conclusion, that only privatizing the resource or imposing centralized government control could prevent this outcome, is contested. Elinor Ostrom's empirical research, recognized by the 2009 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, showed that communities frequently design and enforce their own durable rules for sustainable collective management, without either solution.

Tragedy of the Commons, Concepts

Standing

Concerns Description

Currently States The tragedy of the commons describes a situation in which individuals acting in their own rational self-interest deplete a shared resource, even though this outcome works against the long-term interest of the whole group. The term was popularized by the ecologist Garrett Hardin in a 1968 essay arguing that a shared pasture open to every herder would inevitably be overgrazed, because each herder captures the full benefit of adding one more animal while the cost of overgrazing is spread across everyone. Hardin's own prescriptive conclusion, that only privatizing the resource or imposing centralized government control could prevent this outcome, is contested. Elinor Ostrom's empirical research, recognized by the 2009 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, showed that communities frequently design and enforce their own durable rules for sustainable collective management, without either solution.

The underlying dynamic Hardin described, that an open access resource tends toward overuse absent some constraint, is widely accepted; what remains debated is his narrower prescriptive claim that only privatization or state control can supply that constraint, a claim Ostrom's fieldwork challenged directly.

Source The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics

Tulip Mania, DescriptionA period in the Dutch Republic, peaking in the winter of 1636 to 1637, during which contract prices for tulip bulbs, especially rare virus-streaked broken varieties, rose to extraordinary levels before collapsing in February 1637. It is traditionally presented as history's first recorded speculative bubble and a byword for irrational market mania, though the scale of the traditional account is itself a live dispute among economic historians.

Tulip Mania, Events

Standing

Concerns Description

Currently States A period in the Dutch Republic, peaking in the winter of 1636 to 1637, during which contract prices for tulip bulbs, especially rare virus-streaked broken varieties, rose to extraordinary levels before collapsing in February 1637. It is traditionally presented as history's first recorded speculative bubble and a byword for irrational market mania, though the scale of the traditional account is itself a live dispute among economic historians.

The traditional account, repeated in most general reference works, treats the episode as an irrational, economy-wide speculative bubble. The economic historian Peter Garber and others who have gone back to the surviving contract and notarial records argue the traditional account overstates both the prices actually paid and the economic damage the collapse caused, since most of the trading ran through forward contracts among a comparatively small circle of specialist growers and merchants rather than the general public, and few buyers ever paid the peak contract prices in cash. Both readings are represented here rather than picking one as settled.

Source Encyclopaedia Britannica